Distinguished Guests,
Esteemed Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,

We live in time of exiled and banished, of migrants and refugees. More and more people are rootless and nowhere feel at home. Millions have experienced the 20th century as "life on the run". Until a year ago, about 60 million people were forcibly displaced due to wars, conflicts and persecution worldwide. Today, that number is even higher. Running away from the chaos in failed states and impoverished societies, many of them go to Europe.

The migrants and refugees are the greatest confirmation that the European Union really deserved the Nobel Peace Prize. For them, Europe is an area of peace, security, stability and good governance, a symbol of good and prosperous life.

If for a moment we think about our continent and our Planet without the concept of states and boundaries, we will see that since the dawn of mankind, peoples are in constant movement. There is no person in this room whose closer or more distant ancestors arrived from somewhere.

If we find justification for the migration of our ancestors, then why do we rush to condemn the contemporary migrations? Why do we rush to prevent them with walls and fortresses?

Throughout history, not a single human fortress failed to prevent the natural migration of people and ideas. The Great Wall of China did not prevent the penetration of the invaders in China. The Roman Limes, which stretched from the Atlantic to the Black Sea, failed to keep the northern European nations at a distance. The Medieval fortresses that separated for centuries the feudal lords from the people are now tourist attractions. No matter how protected the Iron Curtain was, it divided Europe and did not stand for even half a century.

Europe, unfortunately, did not survive 30 years without building walls. The physical walls that are now being built across Europe are resulting from the mental walls - prejudice, xenophobia and fear of diversity. It seems that Europe forgets that democracy implies not only the right to be equal, but also the right to be different.

Building up walls, some countries in Europe are now calling upon their national interests. I will remind you of what Vaclav Havel said 15 years ago. There is something that ranks higher than our interests: the principles that we espouse. Principles unite us rather than divide us. Moreover, they are the yardstick for measuring the legitimacy or illegitimacy of our interests.

Yet, the principles are all-humane and universal. One of these principles is solidarity towards the weak, the powerless and the oppressed.

After World War II, the world showed solidarity towards the destroyed Europe. Today, we expect solidarity from Europe to the Middle East and North Africa. Europe is bound to be in solidarity with the region it owes so much to.
First, the name "Europe" is derived from the Phoenician Princess from the Middle East who was kidnapped by Zeus.

Second, science in Europe came from the Library of Alexandria and from other major Middle East centers of knowledge. Thanks to the science, Europe has long been a cultural, economic, political and military center of the world. Today, Europe is a superpower of lifestyle.

Third, Christianity. The Apostle Paul brought the Christianity to Europe from the Middle East. One of the key Christian messages is to love our neighbor as we love ourselves. The parable of the Good Samaritan very clearly illustrates that even the stranger in need is our neighbor to whom we are bound to be in solidarity.

Thus, from the point of view of identity, intellect and values, Europe is the daughter of the Middle East. But how Europe acts today towards its mother and its heritage?

Ladies and gentlemen,

When in 2004 the European Constitution was adopted, the European legislators decided not to include the Judaeo-Christian roots of Europe in the Preamble. From today's perspective, it was probably one of the rare moments of European sincerity towards itself and towards others. How so? The European solidarity was tested three times and three times Europe failed the test.

The first case is related to the European neighborhood. If Europe lived in accord with the Judaeo-Christian values and principles of solidarity towards the neighbor, then, most probably, there would have not been failed states and devastated societies by its borders.

Self-centered, Europe has missed the historical opportunity to transform its neighborhood. It missed the opportunity, using the European Neighborhood Policy, the Eastern partnership, the Euro-Mediterranean Union and the Barcelona Process to create on its borders a space of peace, cooperation, prosperity and democracy. Instead, today we have the opposite – conflicts, anarchy, regression and the return of dictatorship.

The second failure occurred when there was a need for management of the conflicts that have occurred. When a systematic destruction of entire communities begun in the Middle East, when their homes and shrines were being destroyed, the Union did not have a line of lesser, but of least resistance. Too mild in condemnation and opposition to the crimes, now the Union is uneasy with the consequences of those same crimes.

The third failure happens as we speak. If Europe truly lived in accord with the Judaeo-Christian values and principles, which are embedded in the three Abrahamic Faiths, then it would have shown solidarity towards the migrants. Instead of solidarity with the children of the Middle East who run towards her, Europe shows selfishness. Although some European countries are more open to migrants, most countries demand that the migrants pass through some other routes and go to some other destinations.


Distinguished attendees,

We are aware that the migrant crisis is affecting all sides. The countries of origin, the countries of transit and the countries of destination of the migrants. However, as a President of the Republic of Macedonia, I avail myself of this opportunity to speak about the challenges faced by my country and my region.

The migrant crisis has reminded the EU that the Balkans is a European artery, a key European corridor connecting Europe with the Middle East and North Africa. If the Union integrated this corridor on time, then the conditions the migrants are facing would have been different. The Schengen-borders would have been protected. The responsibility of the countries would have been shared. Now, the Balkan corridor and the migrant crisis are testing the Schengen zone.

The EU allowed for the Balkan corridor to turn into a labyrinth in which both the migrants and the EU candidate-countries got stuck. Now, both the countries and the migrants suffer the consequences of the failure of the Union. And the problematic categories such as organized criminal groups and their networks manage their way through this labyrinth with ease.

Dear friends,

The absence of solidarity can be seen in the very public discourse, which, presently, abounds with passive verbs. Instead of saying that we should help the migrants, we say that a financial support ought to be provided. Instead of calling all stakeholders to take care of the migrants, we say that shelter should be provided for them. Instead of saying that people should supply migrants with food, water and clothes, we say that their needs ought to be secured.

So, end up with support without supporters, care without care-givers, supply without suppliers. The concept of personal and collective duty and responsibility has been removed from the public discourse. We shift the duty and responsibility to the undefined others. And so we go around in circles. Is this passive discourse, in fact, a Froidian slip that exposes the subconscious European positions and fears regarding the migrants? Do the passive verbs speak of xenophobia and fear of diversity?

The migrant crisis has exposed the essence of Europe. Self-centered, indecisive towards its neighbors, indifferent towards the migrants.

However, in every crisis lies an opportunity.

The Nobel Prize winner Albert Schweitzer said that "the first step in the evolution of ethics is a sense of solidarity with other human beings." The Migrant crisis is a electro-shock for reanimation of the hardened and indifferent European heart. Therefore, the first opportunity is the renewal of solidarity and the revitalization of ethics and morality.

The second opportunity is practical. The demographic scenario for Europe is worrisome. Europe is growing older. Soon the time will come when the elderly Europeans will create the future of Europe. In the demographically old Europe, the pension and health systems will have advantage over the funds for new jobs, development and innovations. Therefore, the European economic competitiveness globally depends on the migrants as a driving force of European economy.

And they carry with them their ethnic, linguistic and religious diversity. Europe must learn once more how to live with its deepest religious and cultural differences. That is the third opportunity for Europe. A sustainable model of integration of the numerous immigrants in the European societies is necessary. The only sustainable model is the model of integration without assimilation, which implies respect and acceptance of diversity.

After all, a synonime for a beautiful home is the Persian carpet. And the most beautiful Persian carpets are not monochrome, but multicolored.

Thank you.

Distinguished participants,
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,

It is an honor for me to address the Atlantic Club of Bulgaria, in the company of people who dedicated themselves to the great European and Euro-Atlantic project.

Sixty years ago, in 1955, when the leaders of the communist regimes of the seven Central and Eastern European countries led by the Soviet Union signed the Warsaw Pact, they never even imagined that their pact would dissolve after only 35 years. They never imagined that one day, their countries would become fully fledged NATO members, and that NATO would hold one of its Summits in the very city where they signed the Warsaw Pact.

As far as I know, the debate on the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact in Bulgaria was initiated by our host today, Dr. Solomon Passy. The first time I heard about him was while I was a young intellectual living the last days of Yugoslavia. At that time, I followed and studied with great enthusiasm and curiosity the processes of democratization and liberalization of the countries in Central and Eastern Europe. The positive experiences from the Round Table in Bulgaria were especially interesting in this sense; A round table that included the government, but also the entire Bulgarian opposition, and especially the well known Zhelyu Zhelev who was not only the frontrunner, but also a moving force of the democratic processes that took over the Republic of Bulgaria.

It is in that historic Round table that the young Solomon Passy participated, and the same year he submitted a proposal for the membership of Bulgaria in NATO and the European Union. Let me remind you that at that time, Macedonia and Bulgaria were still divided by the Iron Curtain.

However, even back then, the European Union demonstrated its power to attract. Many of us believed in Europe as a peace project, or what I often refer to as the Pax Europeana. Today, the strongest confirmation that the European Union deserved its Nobel Peace Prize is migrants and refugees. To them, Europe is a place of peace, security, stability and good governance, a symbol of good and prosperous life.

In this turbulent period, the Republic of Macedonia was still part of a federation of states that formally did not belong to the East or to the West. And yet, since the first day of our independence, we knew very well where we naturally belong – to the great European and Euro - Atlantic family. All parliamentary parties in the first democratic Assembly advocated democratization, European and Euro - Atlantic of the country.

This is the period when our acquaintance with Solomon Passy happened. When in 1993, he planned the establishment of an Atlantic Council of Macedonia; I organized a meeting between him and the Macedonian Minister of Defense. Destiny wanted our friendship to start and to be crowned by the Atlantic Council. At that time, Dr. Passy and I were both enthusiasts with great ideas, and now we are optimists with a lot of experience.

Formally, on December 23rd 1993, the Macedonian Assembly adopted a decision for the membership of the Republic of Macedonia in NATO. This historic decision was backed not only by the political parties, but by the entire Macedonian society, regardless of ethnic, religious or any other affiliation.

This unity that we maintained until this day helped us walk successfully through the hardest part of the European and Euro-Atlantic road that was, and still is full of blockades.

The Republic of Macedonia was one of the first countries to support the "Partnership for Peace" initiative, whose member we became on November 15, 1995. Within this Partnership, we achieved three things. First, we started reforming and adapting to NATO criteria. Second, we strengthened our security relations with the Alliance. Thirdly, we established good military cooperation with the countries in the region and above all, with our neighbors.

In 1996, we were admitted to the North Atlantic Cooperation Council that was later transformed into the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council – EAPC.

During the conflicts in Yugoslavia, when NATO presence was necessary to calm down the region, we cooperated closely with our NATO partners. We made available our resources, our land and air corridors, our training fields. During the Kosovo crisis, we showed solidarity and gave refuge to over 350.000 Kosovan refugees.

In 1999, we became a candidate country for NATO membership and we were included in the Membership Action Plan. Since then, until today we completed 16 Membership Action Plans.

We implemented painstaking and fundamental in the security sector. For six years now, I have been the Supreme Commander and I can proudly say that we have built a professional, technically modern army. Our army is ready to defend Macedonia, but also to actively participate in the protection and establishment of free and democratic societies outside of Macedonia.

The Army of the Republic of Macedonia has been recognized and decorated by foreign statesmen and commanders of partner armies with over 2800 decorations. And there is a reason why.

490 Macedonian peacekeepers have participated in 9 rotations in the "Iraqi Freedom" mission. Over 2400 peacekeepers participated in the 27 rotations of ISAF in Afghanistan, including the complex PHOENIX mission. We have had 4 rotations in EUFOR and 15 rotations within the ALTEA mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Today, apart from ALTEA, our peacekeepers take part in the "Decisive Support" mission in Afghanistan and UNIFIL in Lebanon.

The Macedonian contribution is not symbolic – it is essential. At one point, we were the third ranking contributor per capita, sharing the vision for a free and democratic world. We have had more troops in Afghanistan that 90% of NATO Member States.

We share the same values, interests and priorities with NATO. We share obligations, tasks and responsibilities with NATO. But, why are we doing all of this? Because, since the first day of independence we had a vision of our future in the Alliance.

There are many reasons to this, but I will name only three:
First, NATO is the most successful Alliance in history that defeated the Warsaw pact and won the Cold War
Second, NATO has a vision of united and free Europe as an area of peace. It is part of our vision for Europe as a peace project.
Thirdly, NATO is based on the universal principles and aims contained in the United Nations Charter – the principles of democracy, individual freedoms and rule of law.

In order to realize these noble aims, NATO draws its power, vitality and strength from the principles of its functioning: unity, unanimity and solidarity when it comes to decisions of strategic and historical importance.

Dear friends,

This multitude of aims and visions, values and principles, unfortunately sunk at the NATO Summit in Bucharest in 2008. In the case of the integration of the Republic of Macedonia, NATO demonstrated indecisiveness, lack of unity, discord and incapacity to make strategic decisions.

Ever since, other centers of power in the world have been testing NATO through the case of Macedonia. In our case, many of NATO's weak points came to light.

Macedonia is a classic example of how NATO should not be treating a candidate country. But, what lesson can be learned from the case of Macedonian Euro-Atlantic integration? There are several of them.

The first lesson – NATO became hostage to the particular interests of its Member States, instead of the European and Euro-Atlantic future. Next year we are expecting the NATO Summit in Warsaw. The Warsaw Pact has dissolved. The Cold War is over. The Iron Curtain fell. And yet, there is still a very unnatural wall standing in Europe – the blockade of European and Euro-Atlantic integration of the Republic of Macedonia. This wall has managed to stay firm due to the irresponsible behavior of our southern neighbor. The elites which governed Greece until recently seemed stuck in the time of the Cold War and blissfully unaware of the new Balkan and European reality.

When it became rather clear that with the fall of Yugoslavia, the Republic of Macedonia would begin its own journey of independence, instead of supporting us, they invented the name issue in order to block us. They labeled us a threat for security and stability in Europe, although from the very beginning and using all our resources, we dedicated ourselves to contributing to that same European stability and security.

Instead of decisiveness and unity, in Bucharest, NATO demonstrated weakness and fragmentation. Member States allowed themselves to be misled by our southern neighbor. Hiding behind the principle of consensus, Greece not only put NATO in an unpleasant situation to defend positions that are in themselves indefensible, but it also brought into question the stability and security of our region.

The Alliance members are expected at all times to observe and be consistent with the aims and principles of the Organization, and not only rhetorically, but in action. With their behavior, they set an example to future members. What kind of example does our southern neighbor set? It only demonstrated that NATO can go against its own principles in order to meet unprincipled demands.

The second lesson is the one on double standards. With 16 completed MAPs, the Republic of Macedonia is holding the Guinness record. We have the most verified Army in the history of NATO, ready for the most complex missions and operations, and yet, we are not a member. The countries that lagged behind us in terms of compliance with the criteria entered NATO before us. Otherwise put, we met NATO criteria long time ago, but we still have not reached the deserved membership status. The Membership Action Plan has already lost its positive effects and has become counter-productive. Proceeding to the completion of the 17th MAP cannot be a substitute to the full integration and fully fledged membership of the Republic of Macedonia.

Imagine the following situation. Immediately after coming of age, you bought a good car and you applied for a driver's license with all your youthful enthusiasm. For 16 times, you successfully passed all the theoretical and practical tests, and yet someone, out of personal reasons, refuses to issue your driver's license. And so you keep your expensive car in the garage. Same goes for the Republic of Macedonia.

The third lesson has to do with the lack of respect for its own rules and principles. NATO, as the European Union, is based on the rule of law and international law, and its obligation is to preserve this law. However, NATO does not respect the decision of the International Court of Justice of December 5, 2011. The International Court of Justice, deliberating on the proceedings instituted by my country, decided that the Greek blockade of the integration of Macedonia into NATO is unlawful, and that obligations assumed at the international level have been breached.

Almost four years have passed since the announcement of the decision, and two NATO summits were held in the meantime – in Chicago and in Cardiff. Greece had enough time to comply with the obligations stemming from the decision.


We spent years warning that the case of the Republic of Macedonia is a violation of international law, but nobody seemed to listen. Today, NATO is paying a higher price. The lack of respect for the highest legal authorities has suspended the rule of law and has left a blank space for anarchy in international relations. The disrespect for this decision adds an argument to the side of those who contest the fact that NATO is an Alliance founded on principles, and not only naked, brutal force.


The fourth lesson is the non-valuation of the democratic will of the citizens. The support for NATO in Member States themselves is decreasing, partly due to the comfort zone offered by membership itself. It is easy to criticize NATO when you are protected by NATO's umbrella. In the UK, the level of support is 60%, in Germany 55% and only 49% in the US. For years, Greece and Turkey have been holding the record in terms of low public support for NATO. In some of the current candidate countries, public opinion is almost equally divided regarding membership.


In the case of Macedonia, the situation is dramatically different. Over 80% of Macedonian citizens fully support the membership of Macedonia in NATO. In the past 15 years, the level of our support for NATO has never been inferior to 71%, reaching even 94% at some point. Let me repeat this, 94% support for membership! This is not a sign of naïveté, but of a strong sense of affiliation. None of the political parties in the Republic of Macedonia, or all of them together, is able to gain as many votes as NATO has supporters at this moment. This is the very power of integrations – to unite and motivate the entire society in function of reaching the highest values, standards and criteria. Our partners know this very well.

Here we arrive at the fifth lesson that integrates all of the previous ones – ignoring the power of space. It appears that many have forgotten their lessons in geostrategy. In the 21st century, territorial sovereign states are facing new, non-territorial threats. The number of interstate conflicts is reduced, but at the same time, we witness the number of conflicts in the states themselves rising. Unfortunately, a great number of these conflicts take place in the immediate European neighborhood.

Today, the situation in Ukraine, failed states and ravaged societies in Northern Africa and the Middle East, create a circle of conflicts around Europe. We are facing a global threat of violent extremism and foreign terrorist fighters. In such complex circumstances, NATO's south wing has a key role in safeguarding European stability and security. And this south wing of NATO is vulnerable exactly due to the blockade of Macedonia.

Every military strategist is familiar with the principle of Sun Tzu, the author of the Art of War, who compares the army to water. Water never flows upwards; instead, it prefers the route of least resistance. We are again reminded of this by the rivers of refugees travelling exclusively via the Macedonian corridor.

Experience so far has shown that the enlargement only made NATO stronger, and never weaker. But history has also shown that enlargement is better as an instrument for prevention of conflicts rather than an instrument of crisis management. With the very fact of not placing Macedonia under its security umbrella, the Alliance is committing a strategic mistake and creates an area of lesser resistance. By postponing enlargement, NATO is creating a problem on its own territory. This problem is in the form of a vacuum space. The blockade of Macedonia's Euro-Atlantic integration is an example of how not to build security in the region.

Distinguished participants,

Experiences in the 20th century have shown that there can be no stable Europe without a stable Southeast Europe, and that there can be no stable Southeast Europe without a stable Macedonia. And the long-term stability of the Republic of Macedonia will be cemented by its membership in the club of democratic, prosperous, European and Euro-Atlantic nations.

Yet, we are facing a paradox. Whereas the Eastern Balkans became part of the West, NATO and EU, Western Balkans remained in the vacuum between the East and the West. In the case of Macedonia, it seems that the West does not want us in, while the East has already sent us out.

The NATO Summit in Warsaw is a historic opportunity to destroy, once and for all, the last wall dividing Europe from Europe itself. But, as I said at the beginning, if earlier, we were enthusiasts with great ideas, now we are optimists with a lot of experience. And experience shows that, unfortunately, Macedonia will most probably not become a NATO member state in Warsaw.

This will not be just another defeat for Macedonia and another diplomatic victory for Greece. This will be a defeat for the ones who took down and a victory for those who lifted the Iron Curtain. It will be a victory for the ghost of the Warsaw Pact and a defeat for NATO and the spirit of Europeanism and Atlantism, of freedom and democracy.

While the Warsaw Pact was dividing, NATO was uniting Europe. And instead of symbolically and truly putting an end to the last of the Warsaw Pact shadows next year in Warsaw, it will most probably continue to live though the blockade of Macedonia.

Imagine the difficulty of this paradox. Europe cannot consider itself as whole without the Republic of Macedonia. And instead of uniting, NATO will most probably divide Europe in Warsaw, just like the Warsaw Pact divided it 60 years ago. And this probably at the very same table.

This, unless NATO member states do something to revive the true spirit of Atlantism.

Where do we see the role of the Republic of Bulgaria in all of this?

Unlike the relations with our southern neighbor, the newest chapter in Macedonian – Bulgarian relations was successfully opened.

President Zhelev played a historic role in the international recognition of the Republic of Macedonia, but also in the prevention of the attempts to make Macedonia once again the apple of discord in the Balkans. In the wake of our independence, he rejected the unprincipled offer by Athens to discuss Macedonia without the Macedonians. And instead of entering the dark scenario concocted by Miloshevic and Samaras, Bulgaria was the first to recognize Macedonia, thus setting the example for other friendly countries. We will never forget this. This is why, as a token of gratitude, on January 15, 2010, I presented President Zhelev with the "8th of September" decoration. Also, back in 2012, a decision was made to name one of the streets of Skopje in his honor.

Only twenty days prior to that, when the visa liberalization entered into force for Macedonian citizens, together with former President Prvanov, we opened the Deve Bair - Gyueshevo border crossing. With this, we symbolically lifted the delimitation of the Iron Curtain that used to divide Europe into two parts.

The Iron Curtain disappeared from the border, but unfortunately not from the minds of some individuals on both sides of the border. This mental Iron Curtain has been burdening the relations between the two states that should cherish most friendly and close relations and feelings.

Dear friends,

I often say that we in the Balkans need to finally learn how to drive a car. Those who can drive must look forward, and therefore the windscreen is much larger than the rearview mirror which helps us look back. In the Balkans on the other hand, the rearview mirror we used to look at the past was so big that we were unable to see in front of us, in the future. This is the reason why there were so many incidents and conflicts in the Balkans.

But, if anyone knows how to drive a car in the Balkans, it is certainly Dr. Passy. I heard that his famous Trabant that became a symbol of European and Euro- Atlantic integration of the Republic of Bulgaria is now placed in a museum. This is why today, when out of habit, it happens that we look at the rearview mirror for a long while; we need more people who are good drivers, visionaries, people who are future-oriented, and this both in Bulgaria and in Macedonia.

It is time to open a new chapter in Macedonian – Bulgarian relations free from the burden of those who still have the Iron Curtain in their minds. We need a new chapter on the European future of young Macedonians and Bulgarians, for an open and prosperous Balkans.

Both the Macedonian and the Bulgarian project for the 21st century is an integral part of the European project for the 21st century. It is time to begin working on the content of these projects, instead of scratching and picking the old wounds from our common past.

It is easy to find reasons to quarrel if we start additionally entwining the already tangled knot of common Balkan history, and if we start reopening old wounds.

We are ready to sign the Agreement for Good Neighborly Relations on the basis of the Declaration for Good Neighborly Relations of 1999. But I believe that essence, and not form, is the key. The Agreement will be mere letters on paper if we do not make a change in the attitude, if we fail to understand that good neighborly relations are a two way street.

Dear friends,

What we expect is the support by our closest neighbor regarding our EU and NATO membership. We expect this because we believe in what Vaclav Havel said 15 years ago. He said that there is something higher than our national interests: the principles we stand for. Principles unite us instead of dividing us. Moreover, they are the measurement for the legitimacy or illegitimacy of our interests.

Next year, at the NATO Summit in Warsaw, we expect to see the Republic of Bulgaria finish what people like Zhelyu Zhelev and Solomon Passy began. And this is to contribute to the Europeanization of the Balkans, thus putting an end to the Balkanization of Europe.

Thank you.
 

Respected Deputy Minister for Education and Science, Mr. Ristovski,
Respected Principal of City College, Mr. Ioannis Ververidis,
Dear scholarship winners,
Ladies and Gentlemen,

One of the most common questions I am asked by my colleagues and interlocutors pertains to the relations between the Republic of Macedonia and Greece, between the Macedonian and the Greek society. My answer is always the same: there is one issue that divides us, but there are many things that unite us. And almost always as an example of the connectivity I refer to the scholarships we are awarding in cooperation with City College of Thessaloniki. The scholarships are not accidentally named after our great peacemaker, President Boris Trajkovski.

Hence, these are not ordinary scholarships and you are not ordinary fellows. You are part of a huge process that is dedicated to the dialogue, building trust, mutual understanding and respect between the Macedonian and the Greek society.

Dear scholarship winners,

You are elected as the best of the best because you want to learn and progress further. Experience has shown that for anyone who wants to learn and upgrade, two things will never be exhausted. First, the opportunities for gaining valuable knowledge and skills. And, second, the chances you are given to use what you have learned. What is necessary for these two things is an open mind to receive knowledge and recognize opportunities. Only then you will be successful in the new global competition, in the new dynamic time.

I believe that the Masters program in Business Administration at the University of Sheffield will allow you exactly that.

There is a wisdom attributed to Eleanor Roosevelt, which says that "Great minds discuss ideas, strategies, visions; average minds discuss events; small minds discuss people". Therefore, be great, discuss ideas. Be creative and innovative.

You are the generation of new technology, the generation that lives with the benefits of global connectivity. In the spirit of your future integration in this global world, I wish you much success. I wish many new ideas to be born during your studies; these ideas to become our reality; that reality to become part of the Macedonian society. I wish you all become real leaders in the environment you come from and encourage the desire in the others to wholeheartedly contribute to the development of our country and our future.

Thank you.

Respected Attendees,
Esteemed Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,

When on July 26, 1963, the devastating earthquake hit Skopje, in only few seconds everything that had been created through the centuries was destroyed. Skopje suffered immeasurable human and enormous material loss. Whole neighborhoods were wiped out. Whole families disappeared. 150,000 people were left homeless. The earthquake left behind a world in ruins.

In those difficult moments for Skopje and Macedonia, the world did not remain indifferent. The world solidarity was not only reactive but also preventive. Not only it helped in the reconstruction of the devastated city, but it also resulted in the Institute of Earthquake Engineering and Engineering Seismology. An institute through which we learned how to build a safer future for the future generations.

From the very beginning, the Institute became synonymous with knowledge, professionalism and excellence. I will give you just a few examples.

The first MA studies in Macedonia were realized in 1965 at this same Institute. At the same time, those were the first studies on Earthquake Engineering in Europe.

The first computer in Macedonia and one of the first computers in the Balkans, IBM-1130, was brought in 1967 by IZIIS.

In 1978, the Institute published the first issue of the international journal of the European Association for Earthquake Engineering, which even today is the first in the world by the impact factor in its field.

In 1981, the Institute installed the largest and most modern seismic platform in Europe. Today it is one of the most advanced platforms in the world.

Since the establishment until now, IZIIS has issued opinions on more than 3 million square meters of residential and commercial space in Macedonia. The Institute is a real filter for seismic safety in Macedonia.

IZIIS consistently gives examples for wise, efficient and effective use of international funds and programs. Experts from the Institute are engaged in many countries worldwide.

Because of this, as President of the Republic of Macedonia, I felt obliged to do something about this institute.

I asked for support by the Director General of UNESCO and afterwards, in 2013, IZIIS was declared a UNESCO Institute. Thus, not only did it become the first UNESCO institute in Macedonia, it is the only UNESCO institute in the world working in the field of earthquake engineering, seismology and reducing the risks of major earthquakes.

I am proud that IZIIS has grown into the most famous professional, scientific and expert Macedonian brand in earthquake engineering and seismology. Today, the Republic of Macedonia returns the investment.

Dear friends,

I often say that no matter how big the state is, it is too small for the global challenges such as the natural disasters and catastrophes. At the same time, the state seems too large to ensure a carefree childhood, prosperous life and peaceful old age for its citizens. To overcome this gap, a functional partnership between the state and science, among decision-makers and experts is needed in order to make wise decisions and policy grounded on a scientific basis.

We are aware that science still cannot predict earthquakes. But what we can do is to act preventively.

All scientific, educational, publishing, expert and innovative activities of the Institute of Earthquake Engineering can be summed up in one thing: and that is to ensure seismic safety of the buildings where we live, where we work and where we spend our free time. In other words, the purpose of the Institute is to seismically provide the greatest possible value - the human life.

With all its professionalism and dedication, the Institute gives us security and certainty. Certainty that whatever happens our children will not remain without shelter. That our homes, schools, hospitals, factories and our bridges will withstand all possible earthquakes. And that certainty is the starting point for planning the future of our families, but also for the sustainable development of our society and country.

Having said all this, on behalf of all Macedonian citizens, we express our gratitude to the Institute of Earthquake Engineering and Engineering Seismology with this "Order of Merits for Macedonia". We are grateful because it allows us to build seismically safer future.

Thank you and congratulations.

Почитувана г-ѓа Ана Дурловски,
Ценети присутни,
Дами и господа,

Пред речиси четири века, група фирентински уметници собрани во салонот на грофот Џовани де Барди одново откриле една голема вистина. А тоа е дека ниту зборовите, ниту музиката не можат да го постигнат одделно она што можат да го изразат заедно. Како што зборовите имаат моќ да и дадат значење на музиката, така и музиката има моќ да ги надмине зборовите и да ги продлабочи емоциите.

Од тоа откритие се роди парадоксот наречен опера.

Парадоксот на операта произлегува од длабоката тензија меѓу музиката и зборовите, изразена низ едно едноставно, но нималку лесно прашање: што од двете е поважно? Дали музиката е во служба на текстот, или, пак, текстот е во служба на музиката? Во обид да одговорат на оваа дилема, целта на секој композитор и либретист низ епохите била да создаде совршена музичка драма, како идеален спој меѓу музиката, зборовите и глумата.

Втората причина за парадоксалноста на операта произлегува од тоа што се обидува до совршеност да ја претстави несовршената човечка природа.

Секој љубител на операта знае дека успехот на овој голем уметнички потфат најмногу зависи од две нешта. Прво, од умешното свирење со музичкиот инструмент создаден од човекот. И, второ, од правилното користење на човечкиот глас како најсовршениот инстурумент подарен од Бога.

Денес сме тука, во името на македонските граѓани да се за заблагодариме за еден таков дар. Тука сме да и се заблагодариме на миленичката на македонската оперска публика.

Дами и господа,

Денес имаме мал, но многу значаен јубилеј. По петти пат ќе прогласиме Национален уметник на Република Македонија. По Симон Трпчевски, Милчо Манчевски, Есма Реџепова и Борис Трајанов, годинава титулата се доделува на нашата примадона, г-ѓа Ана Дурловски.

Во ова време на социјални медиуми кога се повеќе се отуѓуваме едни од други, но и од самите себе, Ана Дурловски преку прекрасните и длабоки арии не потсетува на она што не прави луѓе – нашите чувства, нашите судири, дилеми, соништа и стремежи.

На репортоарот на г-ѓа Дурловски отскогаш биле улоги со особена музичка но и драмска тежина кои бараат голем напор и беспрекорни гласовни и актерски капацитети.

Како Моргана, таа ни покажа колку е важно љубовта да се сфати сериозно. Како Амина, пак, не потсети на важноста на довербата меѓу луѓето, доверба во дадениот збор. Како Моцартовата Кралица на ноќта, Ана не внесе во борбата меѓу љубовта, моќта и осветата. Таа совршено ја отслика посесивноста на „Лучија ди Ламермур", но и чувството на вина кај Џилда во „Риголето".

Ана Дурловски на публиката и подари многу карактери со многу доблести и мани, многу приказни во кои ја препознаваме нашата несовршеност, но и нашата длабока потрага за трите нешта заеднички за сите луѓе. А тоа е потребата за љубов, правда и мир.

И тоа го постигна во една од најтешките музички и уметнички форми – операта.

Исклучителните музички квалитети што ги поседува Ана Дурловски ја прават еден од најреспектираните и најбарани музички уметници како во Македонија, така и во светот.

Дурловски со својот глас на најпрестижните светски оперски сцени ја претставува Република Македонија во најдобро светло и посведочува за нашата култура, уметност и духовност. Во 2014 година Дурловски стана првата македонска оперска певица ангажирана од престижната Метрополитен опера во Њујорк.

Сето она што досега го има направено и ја донесе и најпрестижната државна награда од културата - титулата Национален уметник на Република Македонија.

Драги пријатели,

Слично како и операта, така и местото на Република Македонија во светот има свои парадокси. Иако сме непринципиелно блокирани во нашите европски и евроатлантски интеграции, ние сме целосно интегрирани во најважните уметнички, културни и духовни простори.

Досегашните добитници на титулата Национален уметник, но и бројни други уметници секојдневно му покажуваат на светот дека Македонија е татковина на извонредни креативци. Тие се нашите амбасадори низ сите меридијани. Нивните дела најдобро зборуваат дека уметноста успева и онаму каде што политиката потфрла. Горди сме што меѓу нашите амбасадори во светот е и Ана Дурловски.

Ви честитам.

Respected movie screen devotees,

"Film is Beautiful" is the motto of this year's "Manaki Brothers" festival. In the Macedonian tradition, beautiful is synonymous with good, because beauty contains aesthetic and moral dimension. Therefore, in Macedonia, the film that is beautiful is also good.

The good film successfully recreates everything we live and experience daily. The dilemmas we face, the ambitions that enslave us, the sacrifices we do, the dreams we follow, the lessons we learn...

But, there is another thing in the film. In the era of the Internet and selfie, when we focus more on ourselves, the good film gives us the opportunity to notice other people around us, to look at their lives, to become familiar with their stories. And that is especially important today, when more and more people are rootless and homeless. Some of the films we will have the chance to see deal with people for whom traveling is not just a metaphor of life, but a way of life.

The film achieves it through different narratives from around the world which authentically reflect the truth, while the film artists help us recognize, understand and accept them as our own.

The Republic of Macedonia is fortunate that for already 36 years the International Cinematographers' Film Festival "Manaki Brothers" enriches our lives with the life stories of the movie screen.

The "Manaki Brothers" festival is intimate according to its size, but ambitious in its objectives. Maybe it is relatively small compared to some European and world festivals, but sends a great message - that the Macedonian public has high criteria and that Macedonia is a country appreciated by the good, beautiful film.

With this thought, at the very end, I declare the "Manaki Brothers" festival open!