The hardline and uncompromising Greek positions are the greatest obstacle to finding a mutually acceptable solution for the issue that is obstructing the Euro-Atlantic integration of our country, says our President Gjorge Ivanov. This is the reason why, Ivanov says, Macedonia strives to build relations of good mutual understanding and confidence, but it is still waiting to see Greece abandoning its obstinate positions. The President speaks on this, and other current affairs, in todays interview.
-    Are you worried by the polls showing that, for example, in June 45 percent of the citizens said that the country is moving in a wrong direction, while the poll of the Secretariat for European Affairs shows growing Euro-scepticism?
-    This is a long standing question that shows up at the surface whenever Macedonia is faced with Greek obstacles in the Euro-Atlantic process. We know that it is a publicly stated policy of Greece to obstruct our application to join NATO and the European Union and therefore I feel that it is an utmost sign of irresponsibility to take this issue and draw a conclusion that somehow Macedonia has lost its desire or interest to join. This is quite simply to turn the argument on its head. Macedonia is a dedicated and fully engaged NATO and EU ally in the Balkans. We are part of the peace keeping missions as if we were a fully fledged member. We even participate at the upper barrier of our resources. Macedonia coordinates its foreign policy with the European Union. We are working hard on fulfilling the Copenhagen criteria that are needed for European Union membership. And in line with all this, despite the crisis conditions that can be seen worldwide, and despite the Greek blockade and the unprecedented demands that Greece has laid before Macedonia, our citizens remain absolutely committed to the European agenda. Therefore, I have very little understanding for the need to go out of our way trying to find Euro-skepticism in Macedonia. Let me just add that Euro-skepticism is by definition a feeling of doubt in the entire concept of the Union and the work it is doing. In Macedonia there is not one single serious political option that denies the principles of the EU, the success of this major peace and development project and the need for democratic openness of Macedonia. You can find such criticism in some of the member countries, and in some political circles outside the EU, but there simply is no such criticism in Macedonia. What we do have in Macedonia is merely pointing out of the fact that the identity, the name of a candidate country, most certainly mustn’t be a condition to join the EU. We point out that the Greek conditionings are spreading mistrust, nationalism and are unworthy of a European country. This is a far cry from expressing doubt in the success of the Union, or in the need to have Macedonia a member country as soon as possible. Quite the opposite, what we have in Macedonia is an expression of dissapointment that the Greek blockade is still keeping Macedonia away from the European project.
-    What are your views on the socio-economic situation in the county and are you satisfied with the achieved growth in BDP, the foreign investments, the employment, the level of debt?
-    In any country in the World, if you ask the citizens, you will not get a response that the economic situation is good. There is always room for improvement. In Macedonia, in the middle of the 1990ies, we missed out on the period when the other European countries were repositioning and quickly taking up reforms and opening up their economies. Two or three years ago we had a period of accelerated growth and serious investment projects, which was unfortunately cut short by the global economic crisis that hit all the countries in the World to such an extent that we are beginning to see questions on the sheer sustainability of the global economic model. The economic results can depend on the global events, but it is imperative that we, as a country, remain firm on the principles that allow us to keep pace during times of prosperity, but also to ameliorate the effects when a crisis strikes. These principles of course are reducing the expenses of the state, removing the bureaucratic obstacles to doing business, rewarding hard work and success. The state can actively help with some measures. Our responsibility, as politicians, is first and foremost to guarantee security and rule of law in the country, as they are necessary for the development of any business. We should provide for education that will follow the needs of the economy, an area where we as a country invest a lot. To guarantee that all political obstacles to the openness of our economy are being removed. As President, I have limited possibilities to influence the economic sphere, but I have decided to maintain direct contacts and to engage the business community for my travels abroad and in this way to try to open the Macedonian economy to the World. We must be open to all the markets that are on offer, to the developed and advanced Western countries, but also to the great potentials that lie on other continents, where we have a recognition as a country and we have been present in the past, but we’ve let our recognition be forgotten.
-    The political dialogue in our country is reduced to name calling with increasingly harsh insults, there are few meetings of the political leaders, there are incidents after which the US Ambassador has declared that neigher of the parties are different in regard of their reactions and behaviour.
-    Sometimes I have a feeling that we in Macedonia are afraid of success. This paradox of worsening the relations at exactly that time when we know that we are under especial interest from abroad has happened in the past. We can see that other countries in the neighborhood are also in similar situation, to be faced with negative consequences in ther integration processes because of internal disagreements. And yet, this is the topic that should unite us and should remain above petty squabbling. We must understand that participation in the political processes has no alternative, especially not for the political entities that have decided to go out and ask for the confidence of the citizens. Mere participation in the political process must not be conditioned.
-    Can the country, with such performance standards, get a positive report from the European Union in November and a date to begin the negotiations?
-    The Republic of Macedonia has already received a positive report with a recommendation to begin the negotiations, and this, coupled with the visa liberalization, were the major achievements of last year. I expect that this year too will bring a positive recommendation to begin the talks on the side of the Commission. Of course, we follow with attention the criticism directed at Macedonia, just like we do any year, and I consider these comments something that we need to work on to have the report as positive as possible. We have had successful projects in the course of the year, like the Law against discrimination, where the fact that Macedonia decided to grab hold of this issue was clouded by the criticism from activist groups that felt left out. I personally don’t accept the line that suddenly everything has become great in Macedonia, neither the line that everything is black. But, I’m deeply convinced, as are the citizens of this country and the objective observers, that Macedonia has long ago fulfilled the requirements to begin the negotiations for membership in the Union. It is my opinion that this overdrawn delay of the opening of the negotiations, coming from the Greek political blockade, is damaging for the Macedonian readiness to negotiate. As a country, we must have new tasks set before us, tasks that we will accomplish, and move forward in the negotiations. Of course, this is very important for the success of the EU strategy in the Balkans, for the enhancement of the reputation of the EU and its initiative in regard to the future member countries.
-    Achieving an agreement with Greece over the name of our country is being pressed as a key factor that our Euro-Atlantic integration depends upon. What can we expect in the coming period?
-    So far Macedonia has proved on numerous occasions that it is prepared for dialogue, for meetings, communication, as an only way to surpass the differences on the name issue. We are building relations of better mutual understanding and trust to come by a mutually acceptable solution. We are interested to see this happen even tomorrow or as soon as possible, because it is in our interest. It is good that in the past period the new Prime Minister of Greece Mr. Papandreou has showed willingness for meetings, even though we are still waiting for a departure from their hardline positions before we can be bigger optimists that the blockades laid before Macedonia will be overcome.
-    We get the impression that the foreign diplomats are more optimistic about the possibility for a speedy solution to the problem, then is our own leadership.
-    If you follow my comments, or the comments from other Macedonian politicians informed in the talks on the name issue, I think that you will not see a sign of pessimism, or a rejection of the possibility for success. On the contrary, we can welcome the decision of the Greek leadership to abandon its denigrating behavior when their politicians simply refused to sit on the same table with us, even while they claimed that they are dedicated to finding a solution. Now we have regular meetings where, alas, we can still hear some hardline and uncompromising positions. Therefore, I think it would be irresponsible for us as politicians if we wouldn’t point out to the fact before the international factors which need to be aware that the task before us is by no means easy. That we must overcome decades of negative propaganda in Greece, of various theories of hatred and conspiracy. Macedonia, must, in the end, achieve its right to be recognized as an independent country with acknowledged whose rights and obligations. To be penciled in as a fully fledged subject in the map of Europe.
-    Vardar Republic of Macedonia and Republic of Macedonia (Vardar) are the new possibilities for an alleged compromise solution. Is there any truth in this? How do you view these proposals?
-    I’m not here to choose a new name for this country. If you are asking for my choice, it is Republic of Macedonia, for all uses and purposes, erga omnes. We’ve had cases when the expert public would look into the possible traps and dangers that are coming from possible change of the name, which is normal for the experts to do, because as a country we are involved in an unprecedented process, to be asked to change the name of the state. Of course that it is difficult to even assume all the spheres of social life that can be affected by this idea to change the name of an entire state. Whether it will affect individual rights, whether the national rights, the culture, the economy will be affected. Therefore I understand that the informed public will be asked to critically observe all possible suggestions. But, we shouldn’t have academic discussions represented as a position of the state. The position of the state is a different matter.
-    What if there is no compromise, do you or the rest of the state leadership have a plan or a vision on what will happen and what direction will the country take?
-    Macedonia doesn’t have a different strategic plan. We must of course follow the Macedonian interests and needs, and they all point in one direction – an advanced, economically and politically developed democracy, fully integrated in NATO and the European Union. And we will achieve this goal.
-    In one of your latest articles titled Pax Europeanna you write that the region needs a model like the Pax Romana or Pax Ottomana. Are you an optimist that this idea can be accepted by the EU?
-    This idea, that I open often in my meetings with international statesmen, is well accepted. This, of course, is the idea of the European Union, or the Open Europe, a space without borders. My goal is to show that we in the Balkans truly live for this idea. More importantly, that in the past we have lived with this idea, and that despite the obvious weaknesses in the past, when we lived in totalitarian and undemocratic systems, there are some elements that we need to preserve, and that is the existence of the Balkans as an open space where we can all communicate between ourselves. Of course, this time it needs to be done in a democratic frame, as equal democracies. In my talks with the Turkish Foreign minister Davutoglu, we often go to the consequences that have come from the closing in of the Balkans, from the drawing of the state borders and from the decision to add a layer of mistrust and suspicion over these borders. Davutoglu would often say that the once prosperous Balkan cities, which thrived in times of open space, are suddenly found cut off without breathing space. The examples of Plovdiv, Bitola, Edrene, Prizren, all show what happens when a city that was a merchant, intelectual, cultural and political centre is suddenly cut off from the area it traded, communicated and cooperated with.
-    You’ve had a large number of meetings with your colleagues, presidents from other countries from the region. Are these meetings a sign that the citizens shouldn’t fear destabilization in the region?
-    I see no reason for concern about some kind of destabilization. In our regional meetings we discuss infrastructure in our respective states, the powerlines, how we can fully use the possibilities for economic exchange. Especially bearing in mind that for a long time the infrastructural projects were pursued without a vision and perspective for cooperation between the states, on the contrary, some of these projects were made almost as if to harm the neighbor, and far from the idea to cooperate with the neighbor. That’s why it is crucial to speak about mutual projects. Of course, at some of the meetings, like recently in Srebrenica, there is no avoiding the talk of the old hostilities that we lived through. But, today in the Balkans we have democratically elected Governments that look to the future.
-    What are your relations with the Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski? Does he consult with you on certain issues and how do you see the work of the Government in general?
-    We have regular meetings, and a relationship of mutual respect. We consult on all issues from our divided areas of responsibility. In the areas where we work together with the Prime Minister or various members of his Government, I must point out that we have an excellent cooperation.
-    And what is your communication like with the leader of the opposition Branko Crvenkovski?
-    I have had several meetings with Mr. Crvenkovski so far, among them one meeting with other political leaders in Katlanovo, which I believe should serve as a positive example on how all the political factors need to discuss the issues, with acknowledgment of their mutual differences. My position demands non-partisanship and I will follow up on this meeting.
-    Is it possible that the recent court decision in Skopje, which confirmed the prison sentence for Jovan Vraniskovski, to worsen our relations with Serbia?
-    An individual case can’t be generalized and represented as a problem for our relations with the Republic of Serbia. The relations and the cooperation between our two countries are based on deep traditions, ties, a joint past and future, and they can in no way be hostages to individual cases. There are differences over the issue of Kosovo and the Macedonian Orthodox Church, but with my colleague Boris Tadic we constantly point out that these differences are not and shouldn’t be a hinderance to the development of relations and cooperation. After the court verdict was published, and after my decision no to travel to the St. Prohor Pcinjski monastery, there was no reaction from the Serbian side. This year, according to established state protocol, I will attend the celebration of the 2nd of August – the Day of Macedonian Statehood, in the memorial complex Pelince.
-    Some intelectuals, through the media, have asked you to help free the farmer Dusko Ilievski from prison, or at least help him mount his court defence from bail.
-    As previously in my mandate, I will stand by my authority and competences. The Law on pardons, that was amended in 2009, gives me no right to grant pardon from criminal prosecution, while the case is still being investigated. I think that any comment on my part on this case can be interpreted as overstepping my bounds and a form of influence on the institutions. I can’t allow myself to step beyond my legal competences. They inadvertently point out that the President has no right to undertake any activities that regard the course and the outcome of cases initiated before the Courts or the prosecutors.

Branko Gjorgevski