Distinguished participants,
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The reason why I am here with you today, at this important conference, is very clear.
The migrant and refugee crisis is continuously deepening and reaching a critical level.
The situation is no longer changing by the day, but by the hour.
Thousands are fleeing from the violence in Syria and Iraq. Syrian passports are becoming increasingly valuable.
While Afghanistan is issuing up to 7000 passports every day, Eritrea is encouraging its citizens to migrate to Europe.
If in the past, it used to take refugees and migrants between 6 and 8 months to complete their journey from the country of origin to the country of destination, in the past few months, this can be done in just a few days.
At the same time, united Europe has more walls than divided Europe during the Cold War. While Greece is facing the danger of a possible humanitarian crisis, the Armies are deployed at the borders of the Balkans, and these armies are on standby.
Every day, we are facing attempts for violent entrance in Macedonia, destruction of state property, use of counterfeit passports and Frontex documents and violent acts against security forces at the border-line by migrants. All of that with one purpose: to avoid registration and verification of the persons who truly deserve a right to asylum. The paradox is that all of this is coming from the territory of a state that is part of the Schengen area. In a way, Macedonia is defending Europe from the European Union.
I believe that there is a multitude of reasons for the deepening of the crisis, but two of them are essential.
The first reason is the fact that part of the decision-makers in Brussels in the past decades seem to have skipped their history and geography classes.
Due to the shortsightedness of its policies, the European Union missed the opportunity in the past two decades to create an area of peace, cooperation, prosperity and democracy at its borders. As a consequence, today in the Middle East and Northern Africa we have conflicts; anarchy, backsliding and hundreds of thousands of refugees that seek to find in Europe the normal, peaceful and prosperous life that they have been deprived of in their homelands.
There are three main migrant corridors in Europe: The Western Mediterranean route through Morocco that reaches the Pyrenean Peninsula; the Central Mediterranean through Libya and Egypt to Italy, and the Eastern Mediterranean and Balkan route through Turkey and Southwest Balkans that reaches to Central Europe.
The Balkans were, and have remained the key European corridor connecting Europe to the Middle East and Northern Africa. As a military and trade, but also a cultural and spiritual corridor, the Balkans were, for centuries, a main road for Roman legionnaires and Ottoman soldiers, all evil European ideologies, but also for Christian and Muslim pilgrims, merchants in silk and spices...
But, the Balkan corridor is only functional if part of an open space. European leaders in the past few decades failed to recognize this reality in time and allowed for this key European corridor to be left outside the European Union today. It was the arrival of one million refugees and migrants that reminded the EU that the out of all European migrant corridors, the fastest, safest and cheapest is exactly the Balkans corridor.
The second reason for the deepening of this crisis is generalization. Just as, at the beginning of the migrant crisis, we became trapped in humanitarian generalization, in the same way, after the terrorist attacks in Paris, there is a serious danger of us becoming lodged in a security related generalization. In order to provide a holistic, all-European solution it is necessary to consider the different aspects of the migrant crisis. As the global economic crisis was a stress test for economies, stock exchanges and the banking sector, in the same way the migrant and refugee crisis is a stress test for all the values, principles, institutions, policies and procedures of the European Union and European countries.
There are many aspects to this migrant and refugee crisis, but five of them are crucial.
The first one is the legal and humanitarian aspect of the crisis. One of the aims of international humanitarian law is to establish who has the right to asylum, protection and humane treatment. This legal dilemma leads us to the moral questions on how to treat people in distress, homeless people, women, children and the elderly. In order to trace the source of these questions, we need to go back to the basic principle according to which every person has an inalienable value and innate dignity, since he was created in the image of God, as believers would say.
When the systematic destruction of entire communities, their homes and temples began in the Middle East, the world and Europe did not show lesser, but least resistance against the enemies of diversity. Running away from the chaos of failed states, a large number of refugees turned towards Europe.
Nevertheless, we must not have a one-dimensional perspective. It is enough to have one conversation with a refugee in order to understand much more than from all the analyses made by European analysts in the past few months. For example, you will find out that by 2010, the average life expectancy of Syrians was 79.5 years of age. In 2014, their life expectancy fell to 55.7 years. 30% of Syrian refugees have higher education, and 40% of them have completed their high school education. Most of them are willing to go back to their home country if the conditions are met. However, the door that was first opened by refugees fleeing from war-stricken areas in the Middle East, started being used by economic migrants from Africa and Asia, who, in most cases, do not wish to return to their countries of origin.
The second aspect of this crisis is the political one. The crisis forced us to deal yet again with the eternal issues of territoriality and sovereignty of the state and the functionality of institutions. Complex organizations experience difficulties in times requiring daily management of challenges. It is perhaps due to this that we see the trust in the European system being brought into question day by day.
This crisis unveiled the impotence of administration and diplomacy as primary mechanisms of democratic states. We have an inflation of words and declarations, and deflation of concrete action.
It was demonstrated that this crisis cannot be resolved by mere political declarations and bureaucratic procedures, but it has to be managed with help and assistance also by the security services and army structures. For years, Member States and candidates for EU membership were encouraged to reduce their defense budgets in favor of collective systems. Today it is crystal clear that the major burden falls exactly on national systems for security and defense.
Global and regional international organizations, including the European Union and the OSCE, did not succeed in building a mechanism for decision making in conditions of crisis.
Today, we have to be frank and ask ourselves the following question: Where is the OSCE in conditions of a security crisis? OSCE early warning mechanisms have failed. Name one example of an OSCE mission in state along the Balkan corridor that has timely informed on the threat from illegal migration. Does this mean that the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe would have to erase the word security from its name? Does the word cooperation also lose its meaning having in mind the multitude of unilateral decisions made by Member States?
Same goes for the European Union, that functions great in times of peace and prosperity, but not as good in times of crisis. While we are talking about Schengen, open borders and unity in diversity, national armies are being deployed at state borders. Every Member State is taking over the competences that the European Union failed to exercise. It is obvious that there is a high price to be paid for the de-soveregnization process.
The third aspect of this crisis is the economic one. The concept of geopolitics is losing its meaning. Geoprofits have stepped on the scene. 90% of migrants who came to Europe last year, used illegal services by facilitators in order to reach their desired destination. According to Europol's latest reports, in 2015, organized crime networks earned between 3 and 6 billion Euros from the migration business. If the migrant and refugee flow does not reduce, it is expected that the profit from this business will double or even triple. Just recently, I met Afghani President Ghani, who informed me that illegal trafficking of migrants and illegal trafficking of narcotics go by the same route, including the Balkan corridor.
Compared to the smugglers who find it easy to adapt to variables, the Union is almost standing still. Let me give you an illustration. The European Migrant Smuggling Center – EMSC, established by the European Commission, began its work on February 22, 2016, which is only 12 days ago. I repeat: only 12 days ago! This undoubtedly implies that the European Union has been caught off guard and is not ready to face this serious challenge.
The fourth aspect is the social one. The migrant and refugee crisis puts the European model of integration and the European motto for unity in diversity to the test. The physical walls that we see now rising in Europe are based on mental barriers and walls- prejudice, xenophobia and fear of diversity. Quite often, we hear statements that multiculturalism in Europe is dead. The inflow of refugees and migrants entailed the growth of anti-migrant reactions and campaigns throughout Europe.
Just last week, over 150.000 children of refugees were born in Turkey. Those are children who need healthcare, who go to kindergarten now, but would need to go to school a few years later. How many of such children were born on the territory of the European Union?
And yet, what is the alternative? Instead of being united in diversity, will Europe now be united against diversity? Instead of integration without assimilation, will Europe now prefer integration through assimilation? Let me remind you of a thought by Medieval Arab philosopher Averoes, who said that "ignorance leads to fear, fear leads to hate, and hate leads to violence". Today in Europe, there are violent incidents instigated by individuals and groups who fear diversity because they never got to know it.
The fifth aspect if security. According to Europol, today on the territory of the European Union there are between 3000 and 5000 radicals, extremists and terrorists. There are around 1000 of them only in the Balkans. They took advantage of the mistrust and lack of cooperation between security services in Europe and misused the migrant corridor in order to reach their destinations.
The number of migrants and refugees who have contact with radical and terrorist groups is small. However, there is still a risk of infecting those individuals who were disappointed from European lack of hospitability. The paradox is that one of the main carriers of radicalism directed against Europe is European xenophobia itself.
There are two ways in which Europe could handle this challenge.
First, security services should start exchanging information in order to trace radicalized individuals who entered illegally and to prevent violent terrorist attacks such as the one in Paris.
Second, to implement programs for de-radicalization and counter-radicalization.
While the first segment falls within the competences of security services, the second segment might be a challenge and an opportunity for the OSCE. Successful implementation of deradicalization and counterradicalization programs is perhaps the only argument why the OSCE should not erase the word "security" from its name. However, time is short.
Since 2014, we have been discussing with the OSCE the possibility of activation of these programs for the needs of Macedonia and the Balkans. The challenge is even bigger now, since the OSCE will have to do it for the sake of entire Europe.
The times when European security could be preserved at the external borders of Europe, the Middle East and Northern Africa – are long gone. Now, European security is being preserved in Europe itself.
Dear participants,
The European Union erased its internal borders, without previously establishing and securing the external ones. What are the consequences?
Europe is closing within itself, and that closure breeds insecurity and fear. When fear reigns our actions, emotional decisions are made, and they become part of the problem - not of the solution. Unilateral decisions to close the corridor are damaging and can only provoke a domino effect.
What are the solutions?
It is said that a chain is only as strong as its weakest link. That link in the European Union and the Schengen area is Greece. That link on the continent of Europe, from a security point of view – is the Republic of Macedonia. The European Union is only as strong as Greece is. The security of the continent of Europe is only as strong as Macedonia is. By investing in the security of Macedonia, European countries will invest in their own security.
It is true that we have had bad experiences with Greece in the past. Due to the Greek blockage, Macedonia's rightful membership in the OSCE was postponed for almost four years, from January 1992 to October 1995. I should not even start talking about the current blockage in terms of European Union and NATO membership, as well as membership in all regional initiatives. This speaks clearly that we have been the victim of injustice. However, this does not mean that we wish to sacrifice our future at the altar of our past. No crisis lasts forever. This migrant crisis will eventually finish, but a neighbor will stay that forever. We do not wish to bring into question the relations with our southern neighbor with whom we might have different pasts, but a common future.
In order to prevent a humanitarian crisis in Greece, but also regional instability in the Balkans it is necessary to empty the territory of Greece from migrants and refugees, as soon as possible - but not through the Balkan route, but through air corridors.
We request and expect a solution by the European Council in which Greece will have its share, because we have no interest in placing the entire burden on Greece – however, we will not allow the realization of unilateral decisions that will be to our detriment.
The Republic of Macedonia advocates a comprehensive European solution featuring common criteria for handling the migrant crisis, reduction of security risks and supports amendments to the legislation related to border protection. We are ready for all possible scenarios, and we will act as other states along the refugee route will be acting, but also the final destination countries.
I repeat: The European Union is only as strong as Greece is. Europe is only as strong as Macedonia is. Therefore, both Greece and Macedonia need to be helped.
Thank you.
As the number of refugees increases, thus the willingness and readiness of the European Union to accept and integrate them will decrease. At the same time, the migrant crisis contributed to an additional straining of relations between states. The weaker the cooperation between states, the stronger is the cooperation between criminals. Some have rightly noted that human trafficking is becoming even more lucrative than drug trafficking.
Macedonia cannot be a traffic light and take responsibility to allow or stop migrants and refugees from entering – stated the President of the Republic of Macedonia, H. E. Dr. Gjorge Ivanov at the panel discussion entitled "Towards a further Euro-Atlantic integration of Southeast Europe" within the 52nd Munich Security Conference.
