Distinguished citizens of the Republic of Macedonia,

In the past several days, you had the possibility to follow the Assembly debate on the opposition proposal to initiate a procedure for establishing the responsibility of the President of the Republic of Macedonia.

Everything that was said on the Assembly stand will remain a testimony of the attitude of the Assembly members towards their own country and their institutions. On the basis of that testimony, future generations will know what democracy in Macedonia had to go through, and how this generation of politicians understood and practiced politics.

Part of the testimony are also the pardons made by some of the previous presidents, whose responsibility was never brought into question. Nor was it the case when they imposed a temporary reference for the country that is still frustrating us. It was not the case when the state flag and Constitution were amended, or when the territorial organization of the country took place. No one was held responsible for the assassination attempt against a previous president, or the unexplained circumstances surrounding the death of another president. Future generations will know that at that time, the government was in the hands of those who today raised the question of my responsibility and contest my legitimacy.

The Assembly voted. The unfounded initiative of the opposition was rejected. Therefore, today I wish to address the citizens. The citizens who vested their trust in me to become President of the Republic of Macedonia twice.

Distinguished citizens,

For a longer period of time, I have been warning about the reasons and consequences for the crisis that we are currently facing.
The activities of a parallel network and security errors in the communications interception system have produced a political crisis for the second time in these 15 years.
Under the patronage of the international factor, the Przino Agreement was reached. A technical government was established, including representatives from both government and opposition. The Special Public Prosecutors Office was also established.

However, instead of resolving, the crisis only deepened.

The April 24th elections were postponed upon the request of the opposition. The organization of the June 5th elections was undermined because the opposition threatened to prevent them from happening, whereas facilitators exercised pressure to some of the political parties to cancel their participation.
Political parties and their supporters took advantage of institutions as a means for confrontation.
In lack of time for quality investigations, the Special Prosecutor's Office failed to deliver.
There was a high risk of inciting violent acts and provoking an intra-Macedonian clash.
Criminal networks, anti-Government activists and facilitators of migration movement were activated.
The situation was becoming more and more complex by the day.
The Przino Agreement was de facto dead.
Due to the disturbed command system, law enforcement institutions were blocked and parallelized. There was a high risk of them not being able to respond to the threats that we, as a country, are facing.

And the threats were multiple, from both outside and inside.

On our southern border, thousands of migrants were trying to crash the protective fence and inundate the territory of our country in order to reopen the Balkan migrant corridor to Europe. The Army and the Police prevented over 15.000 attempts for illegal crossing of the border.

There was a break in by an armed, violent, extremist group of forty people on the northern border. Te aim of that group was to perform terrorist attacks as a revenge for the police action in Kumanovo on May 9, 2015. The then Minister of the Interior from the opposition is well informed about what I am saying. He could have conveyed the classified information on all threats that we were facing to the opposition members of the Assembly. As members of the Assembly committees for oversight and control, they have the right to know the truth.

But, this is not all. In the past year, a dozen of attacks involving weaponry and explosives were made against state buildings and institutions, but also a political party.

There was, and there still is a high risk of foreign terrorist fighters. There are 86 returnees from the battlefields in Syria and Iraq.

Two leaders of political parties received assassination threats. Those threats were confirmed by partner services.

The events on our southern and northern border, the threats from foreign terrorist fighters, mobilization of criminal structures and anti-government activists with the intention to provoke violence and take over buildings, increased the security risks for the Republic of Macedonia.

In conditions of declared state of crisis and a deep ongoing political crisis, when we had an Assembly dissolved and a technical Government with a mandate limited only to the organization of elections; when we had paralyzed law enforcement institutions with a disturbed command system, and permanent and direct threats against national security, the Special prosecutor's office exercised a selective persecution of a single political structure. It led to tensions within society, bringing about a risk of conflict and violence among citizens.

All of these events implied that we were facing a foreign, imposed game, whose aim is to destabilize Macedonia. I expect the court resolution of the "Coup" case to provide the answer to this.

I wish to inform the citizens that we were only a step away from an open and violent civil clash, as announced by the accused in the "Coup" case. Something had to be done in order to avoid the worst.

In such a complex situation, as President, I only had two Constitutional and legal instruments – reactive and preventive.

The first option was for me to act reactively. It meant standing aside and waiting for the situation in Macedonia to escalate. I would then have had to engage the Army in order to calm the situation. But with that, I would have left the southern border unprotected and open to illegal migration. It would have been a signal for millions of potential migrants that the Balkan corridor was open again. Then, Macedonia would have been inundated by migrants.

The second option was preventive. It implied imposing new rules of the imposed game taking place in Macedonia. To take control over the game and provide an advantage for Macedonia.

Distinguished citizens,

I wish to inform you that I was fully aware of the risks from making decisions; I entered this imposed game and I used the instruments that were available to me.

This is why I made a preventive decision to pardon those who, one way or another, were involved in the political crisis. The pardons were an instrument with which I froze all hostile intentions of the confronted sides.

My decision surprised everyone and provoked tension in certain centers of power. The anger was directed towards me. The plans to provoke a conflict were dismantled. With this, I prevented the jeopardizing of public security.

However, there were some who misinterpreted my intentions.

In the past two months, many people asked me a question: what was I thinking when I made the decision to pardon?
I will answer this question with several counter questions:
Was I supposed to be a passive observer while an open clash between the two confronted parties was imminent?
Was I supposed to wait until blood was spilt on the streets, in order to activate the Army as a second instrument in conditions of an already declared state of crisis?
Was I supposed to allow a Macedonian to raise his hand against a fellow Macedonian?

It is true that I have been subject to criticism due to the unpopular decision for pardon. My personal reputation was questioned. It is true that on several occasions, the protests turned violent. But, it is better to see my photographs being burned, than to see that happening to state institutions. What is most important for me is the fact that we avoided an open intra-Macedonian slash that some hot-headed individuals were pushing for. Therefore, I believe the goal has been achieved. The hot-heads have been calmed. Macedonia is still a safe, stable and peaceful country. In other words, the imposed game for destabilization of Macedonia failed.

Dear fellow citizens,

In the past two months, I was the target for many accusations on a daily basis.

I was blamed of acting irresponsibly because of the decision. On the contrary. I assumed full responsibility for my decision.

I hear accusations that the decisions incited protests and increased security risks.
On the contrary. Intelligence sources informed me on time that these protests were planned and prepared in advance. My decision was only a catalyst for their happening.
On this occasion, I wish to thank the members of the police for their professionalism and the fact that they did not succumb to none of the many provocations they were exposed to.
I wish to thank our citizens for their correct behavior and non-acceptance of violence to which they were, and still are, called to incline.
I wish to thank the security services that inform in a timely manner on all intentions for potential violent acts.
Property damage can be calculated in financial terms and alternative sanctions, but public security was thankfully, never jeopardized.

Distinguished citizens,

I have been blamed of abolishing rule of law in the year when we celebrate twenty five years of independence, by making the decision for pardon.
The rule of law was undermined by those who, due to the lack of political culture and culture of dialogue and compromise, did not find a way to resolve their misunderstandings within state institutions.
The rule of law was undermined by the leaders of SDSM and DUI because the constitutional system was not enough for them to meet, sit down and agree, but they'd rather rush to the embassies of foreign countries.
Rule of law, sovereignty and independence were jeopardized by these two irresponsible political leaders who contributed to the Przino Agreement, and who later did not observe that same agreement.

I was blamed of violating the Constitution and declaring amnesty, which is in the competence of the Assembly. They either do not know the difference between amnesty granted by the Assembly and pardon granted by the President - or they do, but they deliberately spread confusion among citizens.

I was blamed of making that decision in order to abolish the Special Prosecutor's Office.

The Special Prosecutor's Office is an ad hoc created institution, with an exact and specific aim, according to the agreement of the political parties, and it was expected to perform its work in function of resolving the political crisis, and not in function of deepening it.

Unfortunately, instead of an instrument for justice, the Special Prosecutor's Office proved to be an instrument for blackmail. Out of the million files that they claim they have, they only chose the ones concerning government representatives, and in particular VMRO-DPMNE. The Selective prosecution by the SPO has created a tense atmosphere within our society. I publicly asked according to which methodology those particular cases were chosen. The answer was given by opposition leader Zaev who stated that the SPO works exclusively upon submissions by the opposition. Thus, instead of a special prosecutor's office, we got selective prosecution, exclusively in function of the opposition.

I was blamed that with these pardons, I tried to protect the politicians, sending a message that politicians are untouchable and above the laws.

In order to reject such unfounded accusations, when the amendments to the Law on Pardons were adopted and when a new reality was created, I withdrew all pardons for politicians.

Today, the only pardoned politician in the Republic of Macedonia is Mr. Zoran zaev. Unless he is bluffing, I encourage him, on the basis of the amendments of the legislation, to keep his promise and submit a formal request for withdrawal of his pardon.

These days, some state that by withdrawing the pardons I admitted that I had made a wrong assessment and violated the Constitution and laws.
On the contrary. The decision for withdrawal was made because, unlike on April 12, today we have a new reality in the Republic of Macedonia.
We have reverted to the original situation.
There are functional institutions, able to handle all challenges and threats that the country is faced with.
Instead of a technical, we have a political government able to make decisions and propose legislation.
The Assembly is again in function, adopting laws and even debating on the proposal of impeachment to the President.
The Przino Agreement has been brought to life again.
Working groups of the political parties are discussing solutions to the political crisis and determining a date for elections.
Security services are under one command and one hierarchy.

Distinguished citizens,

There is an ongoing special war in Macedonia as part of the strategies to provoke tensions and permanent political crises, along with technical governments incapable to handle threats, leading ultimately to a position of subordination. The agreement among the leaders has not been completely realized. Parliamentary elections have not yet taken place.

In absence of a political programme and solutions offered to the citizens, we see a circus in the Assembly and theatre in the streets by those who do not recognize and boycott institutions and call for anarchy.

No one is banned from protesting or express their dissatisfaction with the government. No one has been contested their right to publicly state their opinion on any current issue in the country. However, institutions must install order. Hooliganism, vandalism and destruction of property are not tolerated anywhere. They are sanctioned. In our case too, the violence has to stop.

Therefore, I wish to send a message to all of those who contributed to this crisis.

Leaders of political parties should be careful about what they agree upon; mediators should be careful about the packages they are offering, and members of the Assembly should be careful about the laws they are voting.

The authentic non-governmental sector that has been contributing constructively for years in the resolution of numerous problems in society, should distance itself from the individuals and groups who only protest for profits.

I call upon the partners not to use this situation for realizing their own interests. Blocking the European and Euro-Atlantic future has contributed to blocking the political processes in Macedonia. Therefore, I urge the European Union and NATO to unblock Macedonia's path. The negotiations and screening process would have taught political elittes so far about the culture of dialogue and compromise.

I wish to remind political leaders who do not recognize the institution of President of the following: They are obliged not to endanger the independence and sovereignty of the Republic of Macedonia by bringing it into a position of subordination and dependence on other states, centres of power or non-state actors.

We must not allow for the entire country and people to be hostages of the characters, egos and personal hatred of these irresponsible politicians. They should not be given a place on the political scene. If, in the realization of any aim, one is led by hatred and destruction, then success is guaranteed.

At the end, I have the following to say to the irresponsible politicians who demanded that I be held responsible: As President, I have responsibility towards the citizens who elected me and gave me legitimacy. I have responsibility towards the armed forces whose Supreme Commander I am. I have responsibility towards the state I lead in these difficult and turbulent times.

And with that responsibility, as I have done before, I will continue acting solely and exclusively in line with the Constitution and laws of the Republic of Macedonia and in protection of the state interest and national security.

Thank you.